Catholics' Right To Vote In Northern Ireland

when could catholics vote in northern ireland

Since Northern Ireland's creation in 1921, the Catholic minority has faced discrimination from the Protestant and Unionist majority. The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA), established in 1967, sought to achieve 'one man, one vote' in Northern Ireland, ending voting inequities that favoured Protestants. This included abolishing the plural voting system, which gave extra votes to business owners and university degree holders, and addressing gerrymandering in electoral wards. The Good Friday Agreement referendum in 1998 was the first all-Ireland vote since 1918, and while it passed with 71% support in Northern Ireland, the disparity between Catholic and Protestant approval (96% vs 52%) highlighted the enduring sectarian divide.

Characteristics Values
Date Voting inequities continued in Northern Ireland until the late 1960s
Who could vote Only ratepayers and their spouses
Who couldn't vote The poorest in society who did not own the property they were living in
Who had multiple votes Private landlords who were technically the ratepayers for multiple properties
Who else had multiple votes Business owners and university degree holders
Who didn't have multiple votes Tenants in council houses
Who was discriminated against Catholics
Who was responsible for the discrimination The Housing Trust and the Mayor of Portadown
What was the aim of NICRA To achieve "one man, one vote"

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Voting rights for Catholics in Northern Ireland were hindered by the property franchise, which required voters to own property

Since Northern Ireland's creation in 1921, the Catholic minority has faced discrimination from the Protestant and Unionist majority. The property franchise, which granted votes in local elections only to those who owned property, was one of the mechanisms that hindered Catholics' voting rights.

The property franchise, combined with plural business votes, resulted in a heavy bias in representation in favour of the Protestant community. This meant that in many towns and cities with a Catholic majority, such as Derry, Armagh, Dungannon, and Enniskillen, the Unionist Party maintained control. The Catholic community in these areas suffered from poor housing and high unemployment rates, further exacerbating the inequality.

The demand for "one man, one vote" became a central tenet of the civil rights movement in the 1960s. The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA), formed in 1967, campaigned for an end to discrimination against Catholics in elections, including the abolition of the property franchise and plural voting. The civil rights movement organised marches, sit-ins, and protests to pressure the government to grant equal voting rights.

In 1969, Prime Minister Terence O'Neill resigned and was replaced by James Chichester-Clark, who announced the introduction of "one man, one vote", marking a significant victory for the civil rights movement. However, the struggle for equal voting rights was not without tension and conflict within the movement. The Royal Ulster Constabulary attempted to violently disperse a civil rights march in Derry, and the movement faced opposition from within the Protestant community, with fears that granting equal voting rights would lead to a united Ireland.

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The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) was formed in 1967 to campaign for 'one man, one vote'

The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) was formed in 1967 to campaign for civil rights for Irish Catholics in Northern Ireland, with one of its main goals being to achieve 'one man, one vote'. This demand for universal suffrage was a response to the voting inequities that existed in Northern Ireland at the time. Prior to the formation of NICRA, only ratepayers and their spouses could vote in local council elections, which effectively disenfranchised those who did not own property. Additionally, private landlords who were technically the ratepayers for multiple properties had multiple votes, further skewing the electoral landscape in their favour.

The property franchise, which required voters to own property in order to participate in local elections, disproportionately benefited the Protestant community, as they were more likely to own property than their Catholic counterparts. This resulted in many towns and cities with a Catholic majority being controlled by the Unionist Party. Examples of this include Derry, Armagh, and Dungannon. The introduction of first-past-the-post voting in 1929 further solidified the Unionist Party's grip on power, as they were able to gain seats despite losing vote share.

The demand for 'one man, one vote' sought to address these imbalances by granting all people over the age of 18 the right to vote in local council elections and eliminating the additional votes held by business owners and university degree holders. This plural voting system had already been abolished in the rest of the UK, and NICRA sought to extend the same voting rights to Northern Ireland. The association drew inspiration from the American Civil Rights Movement and employed tactics such as marches, pickets, sit-ins, and protests to pressure the Government of Northern Ireland to grant their demands.

NICRA's approach was to seek vindication of civil rights for all citizens of Northern Ireland as British citizens, rather than base its demands on the nationalist goal of a unified Irish republic. This strategy allowed NICRA to improve the conditions of the Catholic minority without requiring acceptance of the constitutional settlement or loyalty to the UK. Despite these efforts, tensions existed within the association between those advocating for militant action and those committed to the pacifist American civil rights model.

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The plural voting system, which gave extra votes to business owners and university graduates, was abolished in the rest of the UK

The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) was established in 1967, with one of its primary goals being to achieve 'one man, one vote' in Northern Ireland. This was in response to the voting inequities that existed in Northern Ireland, where only ratepayers and their spouses could vote in local council elections. The plural voting system, which allowed individuals to cast multiple votes in an election, had already been abolished in the rest of the UK by this time.

Under the plural voting system, business owners and university graduates were granted additional votes. In Northern Ireland, this took the form of the "business vote" and the "university vote". Business owners could cast more than one vote in parliamentary elections, with their number of votes determined by the number of properties they owned or the valuation of their premises. University graduates, on the other hand, could vote in both their university constituency and their home constituency.

The abolition of the plural voting system in the rest of the UK likely occurred before 1948, as this was when university constituencies were abolished for the UK parliament. However, it is important to note that the exact timing of the abolition may have varied for local government elections across the UK.

The existence of the plural voting system in Northern Ireland had a significant impact on the electoral landscape. It resulted in many towns and cities with a Catholic majority being controlled by the Unionist Party. This was due to the fact that the property franchise and the plural business votes heavily favoured the Protestant community. The demand for "one man, one vote" by the NICRA was, therefore, a crucial aspect of their campaign to end discrimination against Catholics in elections.

The Cameron Commission, established in 1968, reported on the discriminatory practices in the allocation of council housing and the gerrymandering of electoral wards to maintain a unionist majority. These issues were further exacerbated by the additional votes held by business owners and university graduates under the plural voting system. As a result of these factors, the Catholic minority in Northern Ireland suffered from discrimination at the hands of the Protestant and Unionist majority.

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Discrimination in council housing allocation was covertly used to prevent Catholics from voting

Since Northern Ireland's creation in 1921, the Catholic minority has suffered from discrimination at the hands of the Protestant and Unionist majority. Voting inequities continued in Northern Ireland until the late 1960s, with only ratepayers and their spouses having a vote in local council elections. This meant that the poorest in society, who did not own the property they were living in, did not have the right to vote. Tenants in council houses had the right to vote by virtue of being ratepayers, but the allocation of council houses at this time was covertly discriminatory.

The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) was established in 1967, and one of its main goals was to achieve 'one man, one vote' in Northern Ireland. The plural voting system, which gave business owners and university degree holders an extra vote, had been abolished in the rest of the UK. The right to vote was tied to property ownership, with those who paid rates (homeowners) being entitled to vote in local council elections. This meant that individuals who owned multiple homes (landlords) could have multiple votes, while those who occupied rented housing (tenants) were not permitted to vote at all. These electoral restrictions favoured the higher-paid Protestant community.

In 1969, the Cameron Commission reported that councils "withheld planning permission, or caused needless delays, where they believed a housing project would be to their electoral disadvantage", and that the principal criterion for allocation was "not actual need but maintenance of the current political preponderance in the local government area". This discrimination was further compounded by the university vote and the business vote.

The allocation of public authority housing was not just the allocation of a scarce resource, but also the allocation of votes. Whoever controlled the allocation of public authority housing effectively controlled the voting in that area. Local governments also strove to maintain a robust proportion of Protestant employees, and unionist-controlled local authorities ensured that Catholics and Protestants remained segregated in housing. This led to housing bottlenecks, which caused much resentment.

The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) and other organisations such as the Campaign for Social Justice, the Derry Housing Action Committee, and the People's Democracy emerged to challenge this Unionist hegemony and demand an end to anti-Catholic discrimination. NICRA held marches, pickets, sit-ins, and protests to pressure the Government of Northern Ireland to grant their demands, which included an end to discrimination in the allocation of council housing.

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The Good Friday Agreement was approved by 96% of Catholics in Northern Ireland in a 1998 referendum

Voting inequities persisted in Northern Ireland until the late 1960s, with only ratepayers and their spouses having the right to vote in local council elections. This meant that the poorest in society, who did not own property, were unable to vote. In addition, private landlords who were technically the ratepayers for multiple properties had multiple votes. The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) was established in 1967, with one of its main goals being to achieve 'one man, one vote' in Northern Ireland.

The Good Friday Agreement (GFA), also known as the Belfast Agreement, was signed on 10 April 1998 (Good Friday) and brought an end to most of the violence of the Troubles, a national conflict in Northern Ireland that had been ongoing since the late 1960s. The agreement was approved by voters across Ireland in two referendums held on 22 May 1998. In Northern Ireland, the referendum asked voters whether they supported the multi-party agreement. The result was a majority (71%) in favour, with 96% of Catholics voting in favour of the agreement compared to 52% of Protestants.

The agreement was a significant step forward in the Northern Ireland peace process of the 1990s and addressed issues such as sovereignty, governance, discrimination, military and paramilitary groups, justice, and policing. It restored self-government to Northern Ireland based on "power-sharing" and affirmed a commitment to "the mutual respect, the civil rights and the religious liberties of everyone in the community". The high approval rating among Catholics in the 1998 referendum reflected their support for the agreement's provisions and their desire for improved civil rights and an end to discrimination.

Frequently asked questions

Catholics started to get the right to vote in the late 1960s, with the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) campaigning for 'one man, one vote' from 1967 onwards.

Before NICRA, only ratepayers and their spouses could vote in local council elections. This disproportionately affected poorer Catholics, who were less likely to own property.

Catholics also faced gerrymandering, with some towns and cities controlled by a Unionist majority despite having a substantial Catholic majority.

While voting rights improved, the 1998 Good Friday Agreement referendum still showed a wide disparity between Catholic and Protestant support, indicating that efforts to resolve sectarian conflict would be difficult.

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