Joshua Bennett
The treatment of Catholics in Northern Ireland has been a contentious issue, with a history of sectarian conflict and political struggle. From the early 20th century, Northern Ireland was marked by divisions between Protestant unionists who favoured remaining in the United Kingdom and Catholic nationalists seeking unification with the Republic of Ireland. This conflict, known as The Troubles, lasted from the late 1960s to the 1990s and was characterised by violence and discrimination against Catholics in areas like housing, employment, and policing. The conflict was driven by cultural and political differences rather than theological ones, with Catholics facing gerrymandering, restricted voting rights, and segregation in education and neighbourhoods. Despite these challenges, Northern Ireland's demographics have shifted, and by 2021, Catholics comprised 42% of the population, surpassing Protestants for the first time in the region's history.
| Characteristics | Values |
|---|---|
| Political and nationalistic struggle | Fueled by historical events, with a strong ethnic and sectarian dimension |
| Time period | About 1968 to 1998 |
| Conflict | Between the overwhelmingly Protestant unionists (loyalists) and the overwhelmingly Catholic nationalists (republicans) |
| Protestant unionists' desire | To remain part of the United Kingdom |
| Catholic nationalists' desire | To become part of the republic of Ireland |
| Education | Heavily segregated with most state schools predominantly Protestant and the majority of Catholic children attending schools maintained by the Catholic Church |
| Employment | Highly segregated in favour of Protestants, particularly at senior levels of the public sector and in certain important sectors of the economy |
| Housing | Discrimination against Catholics in the allocation of public housing |
| Police | Harassment of Catholics by the almost exclusively Protestant RUC and Ulster Special Constabulary |
| Intermarriage | Uncommon between Protestants and Catholics |
| Population | Catholics comprised 42% of the population in Northern Ireland's 2021 Census |
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What You'll Learn
- Catholics faced discrimination in employment and housing
- They were subject to police harassment by the almost exclusively Protestant RUC
- Education in Northern Ireland is heavily segregated
- Inter-communal tensions forced people to move into areas inhabited by one denomination
- Catholics were killed in political and sectarian violence
Catholics faced discrimination in employment and housing
Catholics in Northern Ireland have historically faced discrimination in employment and housing. This discrimination has deep roots in the country's history and politics, with the Protestant-unionist government and local authorities favouring their own during the allocation of resources and opportunities.
In terms of employment, Catholics faced significant barriers. The best jobs were often reserved for Protestants, especially in the public sector, including the police force, and in key industries such as shipbuilding and heavy engineering. This led to higher emigration rates among Catholics, seeking better economic opportunities elsewhere. While the local economy did provide some work for Catholics, their representation in decision-making positions was limited due to gerrymandering and franchise restrictions that favoured Protestants.
Housing was another area of stark segregation and discrimination. Public housing was heavily divided between the two communities, with very few mixed areas. Inter-communal tensions often forced people to move into exclusively Protestant or Catholic neighbourhoods, further increasing polarisation. During "The Troubles", a period of violent sectarian conflict from 1968 to 1998, the segregation became even more pronounced. By 1972, 99% of Protestants and 75% of Catholics lived in areas where their community was the majority.
The roots of this discrimination can be traced back to the early 20th century, when the division of Ireland into Northern Ireland and Southern Ireland solidified religious and political divisions. The formation of Northern Ireland, with its unionist majority, led to the marginalisation of Catholics, who made up about 35% of the population at the time. The threat of rapid Catholic population growth due to larger families was seen as a justification for preferential treatment of unionists in housing and employment. This discrimination was a key factor in the outbreak of "The Troubles", during which the Catholic minority faced violence and harassment from Protestant loyalist groups and security forces.
While steps have been taken to address this discrimination, including reforms to the police force and legislation against religious discrimination, the legacy of this historical segregation continues to shape Northern Ireland today. Recent surveys indicate that Northern Ireland's population is now almost evenly split between Catholics and Protestants, with 46% identifying as Catholic or brought up Catholic, compared to 43% Protestant.
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They were subject to police harassment by the almost exclusively Protestant RUC
The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) was the police force in Northern Ireland from the aftermath of the Irish War of Independence until the early 2000s. During this time, Northern Ireland was plagued by violent sectarian conflict, known as "the Troubles", between the overwhelmingly Protestant unionists (loyalists) and the Catholic nationalists (republicans). The RUC played a major role in the Troubles, which lasted from the 1960s to the 1990s.
The RUC's membership was almost exclusively Protestant, leading to accusations of one-sided policing and sectarianism from the Catholic and Irish nationalist minority. Catholics were also more likely to be targeted by the RUC for police harassment. This was due in part to the perception that Catholics were disloyal to the Protestant and unionist ethos of the government. The RUC was also supported by the Ulster Special Constabulary (USC or "B Specials"). a volunteer body of part-time auxiliary police, which was seen as even more anti-Catholic and anti-nationalist than the RUC.
The RUC was initially formed with a third of positions reserved for Catholics, reflecting the denominational proportions of the population at the time. However, due to reluctance by the political establishment to employ Catholics, this policy was soon abandoned. As a result, Catholic representation in the RUC never exceeded 20% and had fallen to 12% by the 1960s. Catholics who did join the force, especially during the Troubles, were often targeted for murder or ostracised by their own community.
The RUC was heavily armed and militarised due to the threat from the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA), who saw the RUC as enforcing British rule. Officers carried submachine guns and assault rifles, travelled in armoured vehicles, and were based in fortified police stations. They were the first police force to use rubber and plastic bullets for riot control. The RUC was also accused of police brutality and collusion with loyalist paramilitaries.
During the Troubles, the RUC confronted marchers protesting against gerrymandering and discrimination in housing allocation. In 1969, a civil rights march from Belfast to Derry was repeatedly attacked by loyalists, including off-duty police officers. When the marchers reached Derry, they claimed that the RUC did nothing to protect them and that some officers even helped the attackers. That night, RUC officers attacked Catholic homes and residents in the Bogside area of Derry, hurling sectarian abuse. This led to the creation of Free Derry, a no-go area for security forces.
The Troubles also saw violence perpetrated by the IRA and loyalist paramilitary groups against each other and civilians. A total of 557 people, mostly Catholics, were killed in political and sectarian violence from 1920 to 1922 in the six counties that became Northern Ireland. In 1966, the loyalist paramilitary group Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) bombed Catholic homes, schools, and businesses. The McMahon and Arnon Street killings in 1922 also resulted in the deaths of twelve Catholics. In 1994, the Loughinisland massacre carried out by the UVF resulted in the deaths of six Catholic men, with an Ombudsman report concluding that the police had colluded with the UVF.
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Education in Northern Ireland is heavily segregated
The integrated education movement has sought to establish non-denominational schools to counter this trend. However, these schools are still the exception, and integrated education is not the norm. Integrated schools in Northern Ireland have been established through the voluntary efforts of parents, rather than the churches. While the Catholic Church and Protestant denominations have supported and organised cross-community school projects, such as joint field trips and educational forums, these are not the norm. The academic John H. Whyte argued that "the two factors which do most to divide Protestants as a whole from Catholics as a whole are endogamy and separate education".
The Northern Irish education system is complex, and this has made the move towards integration difficult. The vast majority of pupils at Northern Ireland's state schools are Protestant, and the Protestant churches still have the right to appoint their own governors to these schools. Catholic Maintained schools are state-funded but are run by the Council for Catholic Maintained Schools (CCMS). Their ethos is based on the teachings of the church, and pupils are prepared for the Catholic sacraments. The schools are also segmented by class, as academic selection remains in place, with 66 grammar schools and 126 non-grammar post-primary schools.
Segregation in education has had far-reaching consequences for Northern Ireland's society. One consequence of segregation in schooling, housing, and employment was that young Protestants and Catholics rarely mixed, socialised, or married. This has contributed to the communal strife between Catholics and Protestants, which some historians have described as a pogrom. While intermarriage between Protestants and Catholics is not unusual in the Republic of Ireland and most parts of Great Britain, it has been uncommon in Northern Ireland. From 1970 through to the 1990s, only 5% of marriages were recorded as crossing community divides.
The British government has introduced legislation since the mid-1990s to prohibit discrimination on religious grounds, and this has had some positive effects. An Equality Commission review in 2004 found that there had been a substantial improvement in the employment profile of Catholics, particularly in the public sector. Catholics were found to be well represented in managerial, professional, and senior administrative posts. However, Catholics were still more likely than Protestants to be unemployed, and there were some areas of under-representation, such as local government and security.
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Inter-communal tensions forced people to move into areas inhabited by one denomination
The conflict between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland, often referred to as "the Troubles", was not primarily a religious war, but rather a political and nationalistic struggle with a strong ethnic and sectarian dimension. The conflict was fueled by historical events and centred around the status of Northern Ireland, with Protestants wanting to remain in the United Kingdom and Catholics seeking to unite with the rest of Ireland.
This inter-communal tension had a significant impact on residential patterns. The outbreak of violence in the late 1960s led to a large-scale flight of people from mixed areas, with individuals seeking the perceived safety of areas inhabited exclusively by their denomination. This dynamic increased the polarisation and segregation between the two communities. In 1969, prior to the worst of the Troubles, 69% of Protestants and 56% of Catholics lived in streets where they were in the majority. By 1972, following the eruption of violence, those numbers had increased to 99% of Protestants and 75% of Catholics.
The segregation in Northern Ireland was also evident in the workplace and education system. Employment in the Northern Irish economy was historically segregated in favour of Protestants, particularly in senior public sector roles and certain key industries. As a result, emigration to seek employment was more common among Catholics, further shifting the demographic balance. While large organisations were less likely to be segregated, and the level of segregation has decreased over time, a 1987 survey found that 80% of workforces were described as consisting of a majority of one denomination.
Education in Northern Ireland is also heavily segregated. Most state schools are predominantly Protestant, while Catholic children primarily attend schools maintained by the Catholic Church. In 2017, 93% of children in Northern Ireland attended segregated schools, leading to concerns that children are not interacting with those from other communities. This segregation has been cited as a factor in maintaining endogamy, with intermarriage between Protestants and Catholics remaining uncommon until recent years.
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Catholics were killed in political and sectarian violence
The “Troubles” refer to a period of violent sectarian conflict in Northern Ireland, lasting about 30 years from the late 1960s until the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. The conflict was between the Protestant unionists (loyalists) and the Catholic nationalists (republicans). The unionists, who formed about two-thirds of the population, wanted Northern Ireland to remain within the United Kingdom, while the nationalists, who were mostly Catholics, sought to join a united Ireland.
During this period, Catholics were subjected to political and sectarian violence, resulting in the deaths of many. From 1920 to 1922, in the six counties that would become Northern Ireland, 557 people, mostly Catholics, were killed in political and sectarian violence during and after the Irish War of Independence. This violence, particularly in Belfast, has been described by some historians as a pogrom. However, historian Peter Hart argues against this term due to the reciprocity of violence in Northern Ireland.
In the late 1960s, loyalists led by Ian Paisley founded the Ulster Constitution Defence Committee (UCDC), which included a paramilitary wing called the Ulster Protestant Volunteers (UPV). In 1966, the UVF petrol-bombed numerous Catholic homes, schools, and businesses. The UVF was also responsible for the death of RUC officer Victor Arbuckle, making him the first RUC officer killed during the Troubles. From 1970 to 1972, an explosion of political violence occurred in Northern Ireland, with the British Army and the Catholic population's relationship rapidly deteriorating.
The conflict involved republican paramilitaries, such as the IRA and INLA, and loyalist paramilitaries, including the UVF and UDA. Republicans carried out guerrilla and bombing campaigns, while loyalists attacked the nationalist community in what they called retaliation. This resulted in bouts of sectarian violence and feuds within and between paramilitary groups. The British security forces primarily conducted policing and counterinsurgency campaigns against the republicans.
The conflict was not solely based on theological differences but rather cultural and political factors. Catholics faced discrimination in various aspects of life, including employment, housing, and education. They were also more likely to be harassed by the police, who were almost exclusively Protestant. The Catholic population often found itself at an economic and political disadvantage compared to their Protestant counterparts.
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Frequently asked questions
The conflict, known as "the Troubles", was a political and nationalistic struggle fueled by historical events, with a strong ethnic and sectarian dimension, fought over the status of Northern Ireland. Unionists and loyalists, mostly Ulster Protestants, wanted Northern Ireland to remain within the United Kingdom, while nationalists and republicans, mostly Irish Catholics, wanted Northern Ireland to leave the United Kingdom and join a united Ireland.
The conflict began during a campaign by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association to end discrimination against the Catholic-nationalist minority by the Protestant-unionist government and local authorities. The government attempted to suppress the protests.
Catholics argued that they were discriminated against when it came to the allocation of public housing, appointments to public service jobs, and government investment in neighbourhoods. They were also more likely to be the subjects of police harassment by the almost exclusively Protestant RUC and Ulster Special Constabulary. Inter-communal tensions forced many people to move from mixed areas to areas inhabited exclusively by one denomination, increasing segregation.
There have been some improvements in the treatment of Catholics in Northern Ireland since the Troubles. For example, the RUC was reformed and renamed as the Police Service of Northern Ireland, and was required to recruit at least a 50% quota of Catholics for ten years. Integrated schools, which are non-denominational, have also been established through the voluntary efforts of parents, although the majority of schools remain segregated.
